DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY

by Marina Mira d’Ercole

The year 2010 was the most active election year for new African democracies in 50 years. Citizens of 48 out of 53 countries were called to the polls, including in countries where there were dramatic political situations until recently. And this process will continue in 2011.

Countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone and Rwanda are now holding parliamentary elections certified by impartial observers.

After the end of the Cold War and 10 years of adjustment that was traumatic for some (known as the "lost decade"), since 2000 the need for countries to equip themselves with political systems that can punish corruption and mediate peacefully between tribal groups, as well as widespread pressure by international public opinion, has led most African nation to start out on the path to democracy.

Today recurring themes on the agendas of aid-related international and regional organizations are political representation and good governance as conditions for "doing business".

Local governments that pursue non-democratic behavior or seize power by force are stigmatized and often expelled from the African Union.

So, is everything going well for democracy, then? In fact, this year more than ever, tainted election, no real alternatives and frequent violent harassment of political opponents have raised concerns and criticisms about the effectiveness of democracy and its suitability to the situation in Africa. 

In recent news are the violent reactions of those loyal to the former President Gbagbo to the election results in the Côte d'Ivoire. A few months ago, serious doubts were raised in Rwanda about the fate of journalists and Kagame's political adversaries before the August 9, 2010 elections.

Not to mention that Omar El Bashir in Sudan, Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia are heads of state who were all "formally elected" (though often by extremely high and equally dubious margins).

In other words, not all multiparty elections reflect civil liberty, free press, genuine political opposition and respect for the law. All  of which are essential institutions for democracy.

Democracy as we know it has been part of the history of economic and social development of major Western countries. Still, the concept of democracy or, more precisely, representative democracy, can have different meanings and lead to different conclusions. The Western sense of democracy is indeed not always applicable.

For example, in 2008, The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index ranked only 30 of 167 countries as full democracies, 50 as "flawed democracies” and 87 countries, accounting for nearly half the world's population, as "hybrid regimes," or authoritarian states.

Around the same time, Freedom House maintained that though 121 out of 193 countries considered are electoral democracies, only 90 are "free countries". 

These examples show how the very definition of democracy depends on which factors are considered. Freedom House focuses on the condition of multiparty elections that are transparent, free and conducted honestly. The Economist Intelligence Unit adds respect for civil liberties, good governance and the degree of societal openness.

In effect, whatever metric is used, as soon as the concept of democracy goes beyond just elections, there is a drastic drop in the number of countries that have achieved full democracy.

This also weakens the theory of a direct correlation between democracy, freedom and economic and social development.

One of today's hottest topics is the question of the relationship between democracy and development. Put simply, it is questioned whether democracy, at least in the medium term, is the only political model that can ensure a country's growth and prosperity, or whether other emerging models are proving otherwise.

The virtuous cycle of development and democracy that defined the history of the democratic west over the last two centuries, held up as the model for the new emerging economies, seems to be "stuck".

A new paradigm is gradually gaining ground, with China at its center, which tries to connect the free market and the development of wealth with the restriction of political rights. This social agreement means a trade-off for growth, collective prosperity, and individual welfare for giving up the most basic political and civil rights.

In this regard, it is reasonable to think that the growing economic and trade relations between many African nations and China foretell increasingly intense political relationships and cultural influences ("soft power").

So how can we solve this riddle? 

First, let's try to turn the logic around.

If the direct correlation between development and democracy is hard to prove, at least in the short-to-medium term (except for China, though its model, the "Beijing Consensus", is rooted in ancient, well-established values), the opposite can be demonstrated.

A recent study by The European House - Ambrosetti, designed to measure the strength of growth and economic development over time in African countries, shows that the poorest countries, and those who have not been able to use their natural resources adequately, are the same ones that are most oppressed by coups and brutal dictatorships.

There are African countries that suddenly became rich because of the discovery of mineral resources or oil deposits and fail to turn this wealth into widespread prosperity because it is in the hands of dictators or unscrupulous plutocrats.

This is to say there is a correlation between bad governance, extreme poverty and lack of development.

That said, in my opinion, in the discussion about democracy in Africa, we have to shift our perspective to the values on which the concept of Western democracy is based, which are much more complex, rather than on economic type cause-effect mechanisms.

A few days ago, in his address for the opening of the academic year at Bocconi University, the Dean, Guido Tabellini, emphasized how the "proper functioning of institutions, the protection of rights and equality of citizens under the law, and protection from abuse by governments account for the difference between rich countries and poor countries more than other economic, social or geographic variable". Institutions, and "good governance", as it is known, are essential for achieving and maintaining satisfactory, growing levels of development. Yet, he noted that, "the proper functioning of institutions reflects the citizens' values, attitudes, civic mindedness, and respect for institutions".

In other words, there is a clear distinction between the state of democracy and the state of society.

The path to democracy is a long one, which requires civil society to mature and become a bearer of representation, justice, transparency, letting it use its own healthy strength to improve the political terrain.

This maturation process has begun in Africa. The people are increasingly concerned with having free elections, which should be encouraged and defended.

There is no single model. Every country, based on its different contexts, different ethnic groups and local traditions, has to find its own path and model of the "right" society.

Democracy cannot be considered an end in itself. It is, however, a powerful tool in the hands of citizens to reduce poverty, improve governance, and help build a better nation.

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